Events leading to WWAC - Revision history

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	[[Category:History]]		[[Category:History]]
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	~~[[Category:Polish Corridor]]~~
	[[Category:Politics]]		[[Category:Politics]]
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	~~[[Category:Treaty of Versailles]]~~
	[[Category:WWAC]]		[[Category:WWAC]]
	[[Category:West Prussia]]		[[Category:West Prussia]]

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	==U.S.A influences==		==U.S.A influences==
	Dr Hans Dieckhof, Germany's Ambassador in the [[United States]], reported on '''14 November 1938''' "a great section of the [[American]] Press has long been attacking Germany in the most spiteful and bitter manner, and this campaign has embraced comparatively wide circles. The [[~~Jewish~~]] newspapers write still more excitedly than before, and the [[Roman Catholic]] Bishops' campaign against Germany is still waged more bitterly than before....that the [[Europeans]], since [[Munich Agreement\|Munich]], are on the threshold of jointly building a new peaceful Europe is reduced ''ad absurdum'' or at any rate largely discredited. In the general atmosphere of hate the idea of boycotting German goods has received a new fillip." [Exports from Germany to the USA fell from 991 million Reichsmarks in 1929 to just 209 million in 1937.] The following day the American Embassy in Berlin complained to the Foreign Ministry of "damage to certain [~~Jewish~~] American business properties in Germany which occurred in the course of recent anti-~~Jewish~~ manifestations"<ref>A German Decree of 12 Nov 1938 excluded [[~~Jews~~]] from the German economy and all ~~Jews~~ became forbidden from 1 Jan 1939 to carry on retail business, export business or mail-order business, as well as to carry on a trade independently. The Decree also applied to ~~Jews~~ who possessed foreign citizenship: - ''German Documents'', 1951, p.649.</ref> following the murder by a ~~Jew~~ in [[Paris]] of the German Embassy's young Third Secretary, [[Ernst vom Rath]]. A German Foreign Office ''Memorandum'' of November 20th stated "a breaking off by the [[United States]] Government of [diplomatic] relations with Germany would be a logical conclusion of the policy which is outlined in the utterances of American statesmen and the savage anti-German press campaign....A rupture of relations would give Roosevelt the opportunity to continue openly his anti-German policy.....Roosevelt wishes to overthrow the [European] dictatorships and restore the world authority of [[Liberalism]], the one and only true political creed [as he sees it].<ref>''German Documents on Foreign Policy 1918-1945'' by an editorial board, Series D, vol.iv, USA Government Printing Office, Washington DC, 1951, p.639-649.</ref>		Dr Hans Dieckhof, Germany's Ambassador in the [[United States]], reported on '''14 November 1938''' "a great section of the [[American]] Press has long been attacking Germany in the most spiteful and bitter manner, and this campaign has embraced comparatively wide circles. The [[jewish]] newspapers write still more excitedly than before, and the [[Roman Catholic]] Bishops' campaign against Germany is still waged more bitterly than before....that the [[Europeans]], since [[Munich Agreement\|Munich]], are on the threshold of jointly building a new peaceful Europe is reduced ''ad absurdum'' or at any rate largely discredited. In the general atmosphere of hate the idea of boycotting German goods has received a new fillip." [Exports from Germany to the USA fell from 991 million Reichsmarks in 1929 to just 209 million in 1937.] The following day the American Embassy in Berlin complained to the Foreign Ministry of "damage to certain [jewish] American business properties in Germany which occurred in the course of recent anti-jewish manifestations"<ref>A German Decree of 12 Nov 1938 excluded [[jews]] from the German economy and all jews became forbidden from 1 Jan 1939 to carry on retail business, export business or mail-order business, as well as to carry on a trade independently. The Decree also applied to jews who possessed foreign citizenship: - ''German Documents'', 1951, p.649.</ref> following the murder by a jew in [[Paris]] of the German Embassy's young Third Secretary, [[Ernst vom Rath]]. A German Foreign Office ''Memorandum'' of November 20th stated "a breaking off by the [[United States]] Government of [diplomatic] relations with Germany would be a logical conclusion of the policy which is outlined in the utterances of American statesmen and the savage anti-German press campaign....A rupture of relations would give Roosevelt the opportunity to continue openly his anti-German policy.....Roosevelt wishes to overthrow the [European] dictatorships and restore the world authority of [[Liberalism]], the one and only true political creed [as he sees it].<ref>''German Documents on Foreign Policy 1918-1945'' by an editorial board, Series D, vol.iv, USA Government Printing Office, Washington DC, 1951, p.639-649.</ref>

	On '''December 16th''' it was reported that the ~~Jewish~~<ref>Owned by the ~~Jewish~~ Straus family.</ref> Department Store Macy's in New York had dismissed all employees with German surnames at the end of November and replaced them with ~~Jews~~. "President [Roosevelt] is under the strongest pressure from radical ~~Jewish~~ circles, which, in view of German measures against ~~Jews~~ and allegedly also in view of the rights and interests of ~~Jewish~~ Americans, have demanded reprisals against Germany." In this respect "the United States is already fighting German trade whenever she can, especially in South America... The German Chargé d'Affairs in Washington D.C., lodged a "sharp protest" with the USA Under-Secretary of State, Sumner Wells, on '''December 21st''' against a speech made by the American Secretary of the Interior who had intentionally insulted the German Head of State and stated that the responsibility of a member of the USA Cabinet for this line of conduct was inadmissable. Welles refused to accept the protest, [laughably] comparing this scenario to observations made by the [[Hitler\|German Chancellor]] against former President [[Woodrow Wilson]] ([[WWI]]). The German Chargé d'Affairs broke off the discussion a this point, describing it as "hopeless".<ref>''German Documents'', 1951, p.662-3.</ref>		On '''December 16th''' it was reported that the jewish<ref>Owned by the jewish Straus family.</ref> Department Store Macy's in New York had dismissed all employees with German surnames at the end of November and replaced them with jews. "President [Roosevelt] is under the strongest pressure from radical jewish circles, which, in view of German measures against jews and allegedly also in view of the rights and interests of jewish Americans, have demanded reprisals against Germany." In this respect "the United States is already fighting German trade whenever she can, especially in South America... The German Chargé d'Affairs in Washington D.C., lodged a "sharp protest" with the USA Under-Secretary of State, Sumner Wells, on '''December 21st''' against a speech made by the American Secretary of the Interior who had intentionally insulted the German Head of State and stated that the responsibility of a member of the USA Cabinet for this line of conduct was inadmissable. Welles refused to accept the protest, [laughably] comparing this scenario to observations made by the [[Hitler\|German Chancellor]] against former President [[Woodrow Wilson]] ([[WWI]]). The German Chargé d'Affairs broke off the discussion a this point, describing it as "hopeless".<ref>''German Documents'', 1951, p.662-3.</ref>

	The American Government subsequently published a ''Note'' of protest (dated '''11 Jan 1939''') they had handed to the German Foreign Office in [[Berlin]] which stated that "American [~~Jewish~~] citizens" in [[National Socialist Germany\|Germany]] should not be discriminated against. The following day President Roosevelt demanded more speedy preparedness for war for the purpose of 'defence against aggression', yet expressly declared that the USA in rearming was not thinking of participation in European wars or a policy of aggression. The German Chargé d'Affaires in Washington telegraphed Berlin that the President was "arbitrarily, and without [[reference]] to Congress, maneuvering American into a position similar to that of 1917."<ref>''German Documents'', 1951, pps:652, 656, 661-675.</ref>		The American Government subsequently published a ''Note'' of protest (dated '''11 Jan 1939''') they had handed to the German Foreign Office in [[Berlin]] which stated that "American [jewish] citizens" in [[National Socialist Germany\|Germany]] should not be discriminated against. The following day President Roosevelt demanded more speedy preparedness for war for the purpose of 'defence against aggression', yet expressly declared that the USA in rearming was not thinking of participation in European wars or a policy of aggression. The German Chargé d'Affaires in Washington telegraphed Berlin that the President was "arbitrarily, and without [[reference]] to Congress, maneuvering American into a position similar to that of 1917."<ref>''German Documents'', 1951, pps:652, 656, 661-675.</ref>

	[[File:Poland Count Jerzy Potocki.png\|200px\|thumb\|right\|Count Potocki leaving the White House, late 1939]]		[[File:Poland Count Jerzy Potocki.png\|200px\|thumb\|right\|Count Potocki leaving the White House, late 1939]]
	In a report from Count Jerzy Potocki, the [[Poland\|Polish]] Ambassador in [[Washington DC]], he warned his government in '''1939''' of the campaign there that was being organised pressing for war with Germany in which various ~~Jewish~~ intellectuals took part, such as [[Bernard Baruch]], Felix Frankfurter, a [[Justice]] of the Supreme Court, [[Henry Morgenthau, Jr.\|Morgenthau]], Secretary of the US Treasury, and others linked to President [[Franklin D Roosevelt]], some of whom held many of the highest posts in the American Government.<ref>Polish Documents on the Origin of the War, cited in ''State Secrets'' by Comte [[Léon de Poncins]], UK edition, 1975, ISBN 0-85172-911-8, p.31.</ref> William C. Bullitt, who worked in the Roosevelt Administration and was of ~~Jewish~~ descent, and who had been the USA's first ambassador to the [[Soviet Union]], then France, had been working to convince [[Poland]] not to negotiate with Germany while also pressuring the British government to take pro-active steps against Germany. It has been argued that the ~~Jewish~~ community in America and Britain was determined to drive Britain into a war with Germany and used all of their financial and political leverage in order to bring about that very eventuality - Hollywood being a good example of how anti-German propaganda was spread. Potocki sent a report to the Polish Foreign Minister in Warsaw dated '''12 January 1939''' in which he said:		In a report from Count Jerzy Potocki, the [[Poland\|Polish]] Ambassador in [[Washington DC]], he warned his government in '''1939''' of the campaign there that was being organised pressing for war with Germany in which various jewish intellectuals took part, such as [[Bernard Baruch]], Felix Frankfurter, a [[Justice]] of the Supreme Court, [[Henry Morgenthau, Jr.\|Morgenthau]], Secretary of the US Treasury, and others linked to President [[Franklin D Roosevelt]], some of whom held many of the highest posts in the American Government.<ref>Polish Documents on the Origin of the War, cited in ''State Secrets'' by Comte [[Léon de Poncins]], UK edition, 1975, ISBN 0-85172-911-8, p.31.</ref> William C. Bullitt, who worked in the Roosevelt Administration and was of jewish descent, and who had been the USA's first ambassador to the [[Soviet Union]], then France, had been working to convince [[Poland]] not to negotiate with Germany while also pressuring the British government to take pro-active steps against Germany. It has been argued that the jewish community in America and Britain was determined to drive Britain into a war with Germany and used all of their financial and political leverage in order to bring about that very eventuality - Hollywood being a good example of how anti-German propaganda was spread. Potocki sent a report to the Polish Foreign Minister in Warsaw dated '''12 January 1939''' in which he said:

	: ''There is a feeling now prevalent in the United States marked by a growing hatred of [[Fascism]], and above all Chancellor Hitler and everything connected with [[National Socialism]]. Propaganda is mostly in the hands of the ~~Jews~~ who control almost 100 percent of the radio, film, daily and periodical press. This propaganda is extremely coarse and presents Germany as black as possible; it is extremely effective as the public here is completely ignorant and knows nothing of the situation in Europe.''<ref>''The German White Paper - the full texts of the Polish Documents'', issued by the German Foreign Office with a Foreword by C. Hartley Grattan, published by Howell, Soskin and Company, New York City, 1940, p.29. These are some of the documents seized by the Germans after they occupied Warsaw the previous year.</ref>		: ''There is a feeling now prevalent in the United States marked by a growing hatred of [[Fascism]], and above all Chancellor Hitler and everything connected with [[National Socialism]]. Propaganda is mostly in the hands of the jews who control almost 100 percent of the radio, film, daily and periodical press. This propaganda is extremely coarse and presents Germany as black as possible; it is extremely effective as the public here is completely ignorant and knows nothing of the situation in Europe.''<ref>''The German White Paper - the full texts of the Polish Documents'', issued by the German Foreign Office with a Foreword by C. Hartley Grattan, published by Howell, Soskin and Company, New York City, 1940, p.29. These are some of the documents seized by the Germans after they occupied Warsaw the previous year.</ref>

	On '''17th March 1939''' Sumner Welles, Under-Secretary of State, told the German Chargé d'Affaires in [[Washington D.C.]] that the [[USA]] would be imposing economic sanctions against German imports within 48 hours. On the following day, the Chargé d'Affairs wrote further that the American press "campaign of hate directed against us" was absolute and included wild claims and conspiracy theories which were without substance. He said American public opinion felt that the USA should be "obliged to make the Western Hemisphere safe against the totalitarian Powers".<ref>German Documents, 1956, pps:14 & 34-6.</ref>		On '''17th March 1939''' Sumner Welles, Under-Secretary of State, told the German Chargé d'Affaires in [[Washington D.C.]] that the [[USA]] would be imposing economic sanctions against German imports within 48 hours. On the following day, the Chargé d'Affairs wrote further that the American press "campaign of hate directed against us" was absolute and included wild claims and conspiracy theories which were without substance. He said American public opinion felt that the USA should be "obliged to make the Western Hemisphere safe against the totalitarian Powers".<ref>German Documents, 1956, pps:14 & 34-6.</ref>

𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗹 at 08:53, 20 February 2024

2024-02-20T08:53:11Z

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	The root cause of '''The World's War Against [[Communism]]''' was, without a doubt, the [[Soviet Union]]'s (partially successful) attempt to take over the entire planet by franchising the successful "revolution" model to every major country 9n Earth. This article does not deal with this root issue, but instead focuses on Germany's involvement <ref>https://www.britannica.com/place/Soviet-Union/The-Communist-International</ref>.		The root cause of '''The World's War Against [[Communism]]''' was, without a doubt, the [[Soviet Union]]'s (partially successful) attempt to take over the entire planet by franchising the successful "revolution" model to every major country 9n Earth. This article does not deal with this root issue, but instead focuses on Germany's involvement <ref>https://www.britannica.com/place/Soviet-Union/The-Communist-International</ref>.


	There is general agreement in the "it-was-all about-Hitler-model" that the principal '''causes of [[WWAC]]''' were the unfair and imposed '''[[Treaty of Versailles]]''', the [[Treaty of Trianon]], the [[Treaty of St.Germain]] and the chronic injustices in them.<ref>Montgelas, Count Max, ''The Case for the [[Central Powers]] - An Impeachment of the [[Versailles]] Verdict'', [[London]], 1925.</ref><ref>Mee, Charles L., ''The End of Order - Versailles 1919'', London, 1981, ISBN 436-27650-X</ref><ref>Sinclair, David, ''Hall of Mirrors'', London, 2001, ISBN 0-7126-8389-5</ref><ref>Donald, G.B.E., LL.B., Sir Robert, ''The Tragedy of Trianon'', London, 1928.</ref><ref>Huddleston, Sisley, ''France: The Tragic years 1939-1947'', Devin-Adair Co., New York, 1955, p.7.</ref>. Since the imposition of the treaties, Germany's position of them being "unacceptable" was made clear.<ref>Woodward, Professor E.L. & Butler, Rohan, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', Second series, vol.1, H.M.S.O., London, 1946, p.499.</ref> Germany thereafter sought to use Article 19 of the [[League of Nations]]' Covenant (incorporated in the Versailles Treaty),<ref>Woodward & Rohan, 1946, p.492-3</ref> which said		There is general agreement in the "it-was-all about-Hitler-model" that the principal '''causes of [[WWAC]]''' were the unfair and imposed '''[[Treaty of Versailles]]''', the [[Treaty of Trianon]], the [[Treaty of St.Germain]] and the chronic injustices in them.<ref>Montgelas, Count Max, ''The Case for the [[Central Powers]] - An Impeachment of the [[Versailles]] Verdict'', [[London]], 1925.</ref><ref>Mee, Charles L., ''The End of Order - Versailles 1919'', London, 1981, ISBN 436-27650-X</ref><ref>Sinclair, David, ''Hall of Mirrors'', London, 2001, ISBN 0-7126-8389-5</ref><ref>Donald, G.B.E., LL.B., Sir Robert, ''The Tragedy of Trianon'', London, 1928.</ref><ref>Huddleston, Sisley, ''France: The Tragic years 1939-1947'', Devin-Adair Co., New York, 1955, p.7.</ref>. Since the imposition of the treaties, Germany's position of them being "unacceptable" was made clear.<ref>Woodward, Professor E.L. & Butler, Rohan, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', Second series, vol.1, H.M.S.O., London, 1946, p.499.</ref> Germany thereafter sought to use Article 19 of the [[League of Nations]]' Covenant (incorporated in the Versailles Treaty),<ref>Woodward & Rohan, 1946, p.492-3</ref> which said
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	On '''August 31st''' the [[Soviet Union]] ratified the new Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact.<ref>Woodward, ''et al'', 1954, Appendix III, pps:615-622, contains Molotov's speech (which appeared in ''[[Pravda]]'' the following day)</ref>		On '''August 31st''' the [[Soviet Union]] ratified the new Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact.<ref>Woodward, ''et al'', 1954, Appendix III, pps:615-622, contains Molotov's speech (which appeared in ''[[Pravda]]'' the following day)</ref>

	Britain's Lord Halifax Minuted on August 31st: [Italy's] "Count Ciano rang me up at 12.50 p.m. today to say that he had a new proposal of Signor Mussolini's. This proposal was made by him personally and so far the German Government had not been informed of it. The proposal was as follows:		Britain's Lord Halifax Minuted on August 31st: [Italy's] "Count Ciano rang me up at 12.50 p.m. today to say that he had a new proposal of Signor [[MussolinI\|Mussolini]]'s. This proposal was made by him personally and so far the German Government had not been informed of it. The proposal was as follows:
	A conference should be called for September 5th for the revision of the clauses of the [[Treaty of Versailles]] which are the cause of the present grave troubles in the life of Europe. Count Ciano said that he had made this proposal to the French Government through their Ambassador in [[Rome]]. If Great Britain and France would accept the [[idea]] the ''Duce'' would invite Herr Hitler to agree also. But before doing this he wished to know whether Britain and France would accept the idea of a conference. Count Ciano begged for a very early answer as the situation was growing more and more serious every hour."<ref>Woodward, et al., 1954, vol.vii, p.442-3, no.590.</ref>		A conference should be called for September 5th for the revision of the clauses of the [[Treaty of Versailles]] which are the cause of the present grave troubles in the life of Europe. Count Ciano said that he had made this proposal to the French Government through their Ambassador in [[Rome]]. If Great Britain and France would accept the [[idea]] the ''Duce'' would invite Herr Hitler to agree also. But before doing this he wished to know whether Britain and France would accept the idea of a conference. Count Ciano begged for a very early answer as the situation was growing more and more serious every hour."<ref>Woodward, et al., 1954, vol.vii, p.442-3, no.590.</ref>

𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗹 at 08:51, 20 February 2024

2024-02-20T08:51:20Z

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	The root cause of '''The World's War Against [[Communism]]''' was, without a doubt, the [[Soviet Union]]'s (partially successful) attempt to take over the entire planet by franchising the successful "revolution" model to every major country 9n Earth. This article does not deal with this root issue, but instead focuses on Germany's involvement		The root cause of '''The World's War Against [[Communism]]''' was, without a doubt, the [[Soviet Union]]'s (partially successful) attempt to take over the entire planet by franchising the successful "revolution" model to every major country 9n Earth. This article does not deal with this root issue, but instead focuses on Germany's involvement <ref>https://www.britannica.com/place/Soviet-Union/The-Communist-International</ref>.

	There is general agreement in the "it-was-all about-Hitler-model" that the principal '''causes of [[WWAC]]''' were the unfair and imposed '''[[Treaty of Versailles]]''', the [[Treaty of Trianon]], the [[Treaty of St.Germain]] and the chronic injustices in them.<ref>Montgelas, Count Max, ''The Case for the [[Central Powers]] - An Impeachment of the [[Versailles]] Verdict'', [[London]], 1925.</ref><ref>Mee, Charles L., ''The End of Order - Versailles 1919'', London, 1981, ISBN 436-27650-X</ref><ref>Sinclair, David, ''Hall of Mirrors'', London, 2001, ISBN 0-7126-8389-5</ref><ref>Donald, G.B.E., LL.B., Sir Robert, ''The Tragedy of Trianon'', London, 1928.</ref><ref>Huddleston, Sisley, ''France: The Tragic years 1939-1947'', Devin-Adair Co., New York, 1955, p.7.</ref>. Since the imposition of the treaties, Germany's position of them being "unacceptable" was made clear.<ref>Woodward, Professor E.L. & Butler, Rohan, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', Second series, vol.1, H.M.S.O., London, 1946, p.499.</ref> Germany thereafter sought to use Article 19 of the [[League of Nations]]' Covenant (incorporated in the Versailles Treaty),<ref>Woodward & Rohan, 1946, p.492-3</ref> which said		There is general agreement in the "it-was-all about-Hitler-model" that the principal '''causes of [[WWAC]]''' were the unfair and imposed '''[[Treaty of Versailles]]''', the [[Treaty of Trianon]], the [[Treaty of St.Germain]] and the chronic injustices in them.<ref>Montgelas, Count Max, ''The Case for the [[Central Powers]] - An Impeachment of the [[Versailles]] Verdict'', [[London]], 1925.</ref><ref>Mee, Charles L., ''The End of Order - Versailles 1919'', London, 1981, ISBN 436-27650-X</ref><ref>Sinclair, David, ''Hall of Mirrors'', London, 2001, ISBN 0-7126-8389-5</ref><ref>Donald, G.B.E., LL.B., Sir Robert, ''The Tragedy of Trianon'', London, 1928.</ref><ref>Huddleston, Sisley, ''France: The Tragic years 1939-1947'', Devin-Adair Co., New York, 1955, p.7.</ref>. Since the imposition of the treaties, Germany's position of them being "unacceptable" was made clear.<ref>Woodward, Professor E.L. & Butler, Rohan, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', Second series, vol.1, H.M.S.O., London, 1946, p.499.</ref> Germany thereafter sought to use Article 19 of the [[League of Nations]]' Covenant (incorporated in the Versailles Treaty),<ref>Woodward & Rohan, 1946, p.492-3</ref> which said
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	==Revanchism==		==Revanchism==
	[[File:Mussolini and Chamberlain.png\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Politicians at the [[Munich Agreement]] Sept 1938: [[Mussolini]] shakes hands with Britain's [[Neville Chamberlain]]. France's Premier [[Edouard Daladier]] is in the background between them. Count Ciano behind Mussolini.]]		[[File:Mussolini and Chamberlain.png\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Politicians at the [[Munich Agreement]] Sept 1938: [[Mussolini]] shakes hands with Britain's [[Neville Chamberlain]]. France's Premier [[Edouard Daladier]] is in the background between them. Count Ciano behind [[MussolinI\|Mussolini]].]]
	In May 1935 [[Hitler]] wrote to the Regent of [[Hungary]], Admiral [[Miklos Horthy]], in which letter he spoke of "the scope of the [[struggle]] of our two nations for their 'emancipation' [from the World War I treaties], and the revision of the injustices committed against them."<ref>Szinai, Miklos, & Szucs, Laszlo, editors, ''The Confidential Papers of Admiral Horthy'', Corvina Press, Budapest, 1965. 1965, p.80-2.</ref>		In May 1935 [[Hitler]] wrote to the Regent of [[Hungary]], Admiral [[Miklos Horthy]], in which letter he spoke of "the scope of the [[struggle]] of our two nations for their 'emancipation' [from the World War I treaties], and the revision of the injustices committed against them."<ref>Szinai, Miklos, & Szucs, Laszlo, editors, ''The Confidential Papers of Admiral Horthy'', Corvina Press, Budapest, 1965. 1965, p.80-2.</ref>

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	"During the night" of 31 August - 1 September, 1939, the Poles blew up the massive and principal railway bridge at Dirschau and fighting took place with the [[Danzig]]ers. The destruction of the Dirschau bridge was communicated to Charles Spencer at the British Foreign Office by [[Sweden\|Swedish]] diplomat Johan Dahlerus on September 1st at 9.50 a.m. (although he said he had been trying to get through for 3 hours). This would appear to show that Poland was the aggressor.<ref>Woodward, et al., 1954, vol.vii, telegram from the British Ambassador in Berlin to Viscount Halifax in London, p.476-7 no.644.</ref>		"During the night" of 31 August - 1 September, 1939, the Poles blew up the massive and principal railway bridge at Dirschau and fighting took place with the [[Danzig]]ers. The destruction of the Dirschau bridge was communicated to Charles Spencer at the British Foreign Office by [[Sweden\|Swedish]] diplomat Johan Dahlerus on September 1st at 9.50 a.m. (although he said he had been trying to get through for 3 hours). This would appear to show that Poland was the aggressor.<ref>Woodward, et al., 1954, vol.vii, telegram from the British Ambassador in Berlin to Viscount Halifax in London, p.476-7 no.644.</ref>

	At about 5 a.m., the German battleship ''Schleswig-Holstein'', on a courtesy 'fly the flag visit' in Danzig harbour, opened fire on the illegal<ref>Kimmich, 1968, pps:98-100, 131-138.</ref>, Polish military base at the Westerplatte<ref>Martel, 1930, p.75.</ref> at [[Danzig]] and the German army invaded Poland. As a result, two days later, on 3 September, Britain (with France in turn shortly following them) declared war on Germany. What began and should have remained a localized conflict over the fate of an ancient German city, Danzig, and negotiable border revisions, between two continental European nations, namely Germany and Poland, was now expanded by Britain and France into a continental war involving all of Europe's major powers.		At about 5 a.m., the German battleship ''Schleswig-Holstein'', on a courtesy 'fly the flag visit' in Danzig harbour, opened fire on the illegal<ref>Kimmich, 1968, pps:98-100, 131-138.</ref>, Polish military base at the Westerplatte<ref>Martel, 1930, p.75.</ref> at [[Danzig]] and the [[German Army\|German army]] invaded Poland. As a result, two days later, on 3 September, Britain (with France in turn shortly following them) declared war on Germany. What began and should have remained a localized conflict over the fate of an ancient German city, Danzig, and negotiable border revisions, between two continental European nations, namely Germany and Poland, was now expanded by Britain and France into a continental war involving all of Europe's major powers.

	No-one has ever adequately explained why Britain and France failed to declare war on the [[Soviet Union]] when they subsequently invaded Poland from the East and occupied about 30 per cent of that country.		No-one has ever adequately explained why Britain and France failed to declare war on the [[Soviet Union]] when they subsequently invaded Poland from the East and occupied about 30 per cent of that country.

𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗹 at 08:46, 20 February 2024

2024-02-20T08:46:14Z

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	~~[[File:Germany_1919_Lost_territory.png\|400px\|thumb\|right\|Dismemberment~~ of ~~eastern Germany by~~ [[~~Versailles Treaty~~]] ~~creating~~ the [[~~Polish Corridor~~]]~~; The world did~~ not ~~learn from~~ this ~~devastating mistake~~, ~~the [[Tehran Conference]] of 1943 once again planned the dismemberment of [[~~Germany~~]] after [[WWII]].]]~~		The root cause of '''The World's War Against [[Communism]]''' was, without a doubt, the [[Soviet Union]]'s (partially successful) attempt to take over the entire planet by franchising the successful "revolution" model to every major country 9n Earth. This article does not deal with this root issue, but instead focuses on Germany's involvement
	There is general agreement that the principal '''causes of [[~~World War II~~]]''' were the unfair and imposed '''[[Treaty of Versailles]]''', the [[Treaty of Trianon]], the [[Treaty of St.Germain]] and the chronic injustices in them.<ref>Montgelas, Count Max, ''The Case for the [[Central Powers]] - An Impeachment of the [[Versailles]] Verdict'', [[London]], 1925.</ref><ref>Mee, Charles L., ''The End of Order - Versailles 1919'', London, 1981, ISBN 436-27650-X</ref><ref>Sinclair, David, ''Hall of Mirrors'', London, 2001, ISBN 0-7126-8389-5</ref><ref>Donald, G.B.E., LL.B., Sir Robert, ''The Tragedy of Trianon'', London, 1928.</ref><ref>Huddleston, Sisley, ''France: The Tragic years 1939-1947'', Devin-Adair Co., New York, 1955, p.7.</ref>. Since the imposition of the treaties, Germany's position of them being "unacceptable" was made clear.<ref>Woodward, Professor E.L. & Butler, Rohan, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', Second series, vol.1, H.M.S.O., London, 1946, p.499.</ref> Germany thereafter sought to use Article 19 of the [[League of Nations]]' Covenant (incorporated in the Versailles Treaty),<ref>Woodward & Rohan, 1946, p.492-3</ref> which said
			There is general agreement in the "it-was-all about-Hitler-model" that the principal '''causes of [[WWAC]]''' were the unfair and imposed '''[[Treaty of Versailles]]''', the [[Treaty of Trianon]], the [[Treaty of St.Germain]] and the chronic injustices in them.<ref>Montgelas, Count Max, ''The Case for the [[Central Powers]] - An Impeachment of the [[Versailles]] Verdict'', [[London]], 1925.</ref><ref>Mee, Charles L., ''The End of Order - Versailles 1919'', London, 1981, ISBN 436-27650-X</ref><ref>Sinclair, David, ''Hall of Mirrors'', London, 2001, ISBN 0-7126-8389-5</ref><ref>Donald, G.B.E., LL.B., Sir Robert, ''The Tragedy of Trianon'', London, 1928.</ref><ref>Huddleston, Sisley, ''France: The Tragic years 1939-1947'', Devin-Adair Co., New York, 1955, p.7.</ref>. Since the imposition of the treaties, Germany's position of them being "unacceptable" was made clear.<ref>Woodward, Professor E.L. & Butler, Rohan, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', Second series, vol.1, H.M.S.O., London, 1946, p.499.</ref> Germany thereafter sought to use Article 19 of the [[League of Nations]]' Covenant (incorporated in the Versailles Treaty),<ref>Woodward & Rohan, 1946, p.492-3</ref> which said
	: ''The Assembly may from [[time]] to time advise the reconsideration by Members of the League of Treaties which have become inapplicable, and the consideration of international conditions which might endanger the [[peace]] of the world.''<ref>Newman, Bernard, ''Danger Spots of [[Europe]]'', London, 1938, p.20.</ref>		: ''The Assembly may from [[time]] to time advise the reconsideration by Members of the League of Treaties which have become inapplicable, and the consideration of international conditions which might endanger the [[peace]] of the world.''<ref>Newman, Bernard, ''Danger Spots of [[Europe]]'', London, 1938, p.20.</ref>

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	At 1.58 p.m. on '''27th August, 1939''' The British Ambassador at [[Warsaw]] telegraphed Viscount Halifax in London that Polish mobilisation preparations were practically complete. The following day at 5.15 p.m. The Ambassador again telegraphed Viscount Halifax to say "mobilisation will be complete by tonight" and that "concentration is in progress and should be 75% completed by August 30th." ''General mobilization has not been declared'' publicly. At 7.41 p.m. on '''31 August 1939''' the British Ambassador at Warsaw telegraphed Viscount Halifax in London that "Polish mobilisation is proceeding according to plan and smoothly."<ref>''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', Third Series, vol.vii, 1954, pps: 300,330 & 453, nos.371, 424 & 612. It should be noted that Kennard was 100% pro-Polish.</ref>		At 1.58 p.m. on '''27th August, 1939''' The British Ambassador at [[Warsaw]] telegraphed Viscount Halifax in London that Polish mobilisation preparations were practically complete. The following day at 5.15 p.m. The Ambassador again telegraphed Viscount Halifax to say "mobilisation will be complete by tonight" and that "concentration is in progress and should be 75% completed by August 30th." ''General mobilization has not been declared'' publicly. At 7.41 p.m. on '''31 August 1939''' the British Ambassador at Warsaw telegraphed Viscount Halifax in London that "Polish mobilisation is proceeding according to plan and smoothly."<ref>''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', Third Series, vol.vii, 1954, pps: 300,330 & 453, nos.371, 424 & 612. It should be noted that Kennard was 100% pro-Polish.</ref>

	At 8 p.m. on August 31st uniformed Polish soldiers, speaking Polish, attacked the [[Gleiwitz incident\|Gleiwitz]] broadcasting station in German [[Upper Silesia]]. The staff were all locked in the cellar. A soldier then broadcast: "This is Gleiwitz. The [radio] station is in Polish hands." By the time the first police arrived from their station 1 km away the intruders had left.<ref>See [[Gleiwitz incident]]. Post-WWII Allied propaganda, based on the "evidence" of a single German officer trying to avoid being prosecuted at [[Nuremberg trials\|Nuremberg]], have said this was a German ''[[false flag]]'' operation. This assertion has continued with embellishment since 1945 to try and make the lie truth.</ref>		At 8 p.m. on August 31st uniformed Polish soldiers, speaking Polish, attacked the [[Gleiwitz incident\|Gleiwitz]] broadcasting station in German [[Upper Silesia]]. The staff were all locked in the cellar. A soldier then broadcast: "This is Gleiwitz. The [radio] station is in Polish hands." By the time the first police arrived from their station 1 km away the intruders had left.<ref>See [[Gleiwitz incident]]. Post-[[WWII]] Allied propaganda, based on the "evidence" of a single German officer trying to avoid being prosecuted at [[Nuremberg trials\|Nuremberg]], have said this was a German ''[[false flag]]'' operation. This assertion has continued with embellishment since 1945 to try and make the lie truth.</ref>

	"During the night" of 31 August - 1 September, 1939, the Poles blew up the massive and principal railway bridge at Dirschau and fighting took place with the [[Danzig]]ers. The destruction of the Dirschau bridge was communicated to Charles Spencer at the British Foreign Office by [[Sweden\|Swedish]] diplomat Johan Dahlerus on September 1st at 9.50 a.m. (although he said he had been trying to get through for 3 hours). This would appear to show that Poland was the aggressor.<ref>Woodward, et al., 1954, vol.vii, telegram from the British Ambassador in Berlin to Viscount Halifax in London, p.476-7 no.644.</ref>		"During the night" of 31 August - 1 September, 1939, the Poles blew up the massive and principal railway bridge at Dirschau and fighting took place with the [[Danzig]]ers. The destruction of the Dirschau bridge was communicated to Charles Spencer at the British Foreign Office by [[Sweden\|Swedish]] diplomat Johan Dahlerus on September 1st at 9.50 a.m. (although he said he had been trying to get through for 3 hours). This would appear to show that Poland was the aggressor.<ref>Woodward, et al., 1954, vol.vii, telegram from the British Ambassador in Berlin to Viscount Halifax in London, p.476-7 no.644.</ref>
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	*[[Revisionist views on the causes of the World Wars‎]]		*[[Revisionist views on the causes of the World Wars‎]]
	*[[Causes of World War I]]		*[[Causes of World War I]]
	*~~[[Category:Treaty of Versailles]]~~		*
	*~~[[Category:West Prussia]]~~		*
	*[[Treaty of Locarno]]		*[[Treaty of Locarno]]
	*~~[[Category:Polish Corridor]]~~		*
	*[[World War II]]		*[[World War II]]
	*[[Campaign in Poland]]		*[[Campaign in Poland]]
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	[[Category:History]]		[[Category:History]]
	[[Category:Pages with broken file links]]		[[Category:Pages with broken file links]]
			[[Category:Polish Corridor]]
	[[Category:Politics]]		[[Category:Politics]]
	[[Category:Treaties]]		[[Category:Treaties]]

𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗹: 𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗹 moved page Causes of World War II to Events leading to WWAC

2024-02-20T08:33:37Z

𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗹 moved page Causes of World War II to Events leading to WWAC

← Older revision	Revision as of 23:33, 19 February 2024
(No difference)

𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗹: /* References */

2024-02-20T08:29:05Z

References

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𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗹: Text replacement - "nationalist" to "fascist"

2024-02-15T17:48:28Z

Text replacement - "nationalist" to "fascist"

← Older revision		Revision as of 08:48, 15 February 2024
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	In '''February 1933''' Jules Larouche, French Ambassador to [[Poland]], who had worked on various sub-committees during the [[Treaty of Versailles\|Versailles]] peace deliberations, claimed that he had nothing to do with fixing the eastern border of Germany and he had foreseen that only friction and lasting enmity between Germany and Poland would result from the 'Corridor'. He regarded it as incompatible with the modern concept of State territory, said it was in the interests of Poland to reach a ''rapprochement'' with [[National Social German\|Germany]], and he understood that was not possible without eliminating the [[Polish Corridor\|Corridor]]. He had repeatedly said this at the French Foreign Office in the Quai d'Orsay in [[Paris]]. He also said that "there existed a fear bordering on psychosis" in Poland about any negotiations concerning it, adding that "all Poles who had broached this subject to him had always expressed the view in agreement with the present official position, 'hammered into the whole population by intensive propaganda', that territorial negotiations were out of the question."<ref>''Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945'' by an editorial committee, Her Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1957, Series C, vol.1, pps:73-74</ref>		In '''February 1933''' Jules Larouche, French Ambassador to [[Poland]], who had worked on various sub-committees during the [[Treaty of Versailles\|Versailles]] peace deliberations, claimed that he had nothing to do with fixing the eastern border of Germany and he had foreseen that only friction and lasting enmity between Germany and Poland would result from the 'Corridor'. He regarded it as incompatible with the modern concept of State territory, said it was in the interests of Poland to reach a ''rapprochement'' with [[National Social German\|Germany]], and he understood that was not possible without eliminating the [[Polish Corridor\|Corridor]]. He had repeatedly said this at the French Foreign Office in the Quai d'Orsay in [[Paris]]. He also said that "there existed a fear bordering on psychosis" in Poland about any negotiations concerning it, adding that "all Poles who had broached this subject to him had always expressed the view in agreement with the present official position, 'hammered into the whole population by intensive propaganda', that territorial negotiations were out of the question."<ref>''Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945'' by an editorial committee, Her Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1957, Series C, vol.1, pps:73-74</ref>

	Hans-Adolf von Moltke<ref>Moltke was born in Oppeln in [[Upper Silesia]], into one of Germany's most famous aristocratic families, and spoke fluent Polish. His father, Fredrich von Moltke, served as Prussian Minister of the Interior. Moltke was a devout Lutheran and held the standard ~~nationalist~~-conservative views that were typical of the German aristocracy in the late 19th century.</ref>, the German Ambassador to Poland, <ref>Writing in '''October 1937'''</ref>said: "in '''May 1935''' the question arose as to what attitude Poland would take toward the proposed construction of an ''Autobahn'' through the [[Polish Corridor\|Corridor]] between [[East Prussia]] and other territory of the Reich. I discussed this with Polish Foreign Minister Beck who promised me the question would be studied. Despite repeated reminders since he has never given a clear answer, a sure sign of a negative attitude on the part of his Government". In September that year Fritz Todt, General Inspector for Roads in Germany, was in Warsaw for the Polish exhibition on road construction when he spoke with the Deputy Minister in Poland's Ministry of Transportation, M.Piasecki, suggesting that experts from both sides have a conference on this subject. Nothing came of this due to "Polish negativity".<ref>''Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945'' by an editorial board, His Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1953, Series D, vol.v, p.20-1.</ref>		Hans-Adolf von Moltke<ref>Moltke was born in Oppeln in [[Upper Silesia]], into one of Germany's most famous aristocratic families, and spoke fluent Polish. His father, Fredrich von Moltke, served as Prussian Minister of the Interior. Moltke was a devout Lutheran and held the standard fascist-conservative views that were typical of the German aristocracy in the late 19th century.</ref>, the German Ambassador to Poland, <ref>Writing in '''October 1937'''</ref>said: "in '''May 1935''' the question arose as to what attitude Poland would take toward the proposed construction of an ''Autobahn'' through the [[Polish Corridor\|Corridor]] between [[East Prussia]] and other territory of the Reich. I discussed this with Polish Foreign Minister Beck who promised me the question would be studied. Despite repeated reminders since he has never given a clear answer, a sure sign of a negative attitude on the part of his Government". In September that year Fritz Todt, General Inspector for Roads in Germany, was in Warsaw for the Polish exhibition on road construction when he spoke with the Deputy Minister in Poland's Ministry of Transportation, M.Piasecki, suggesting that experts from both sides have a conference on this subject. Nothing came of this due to "Polish negativity".<ref>''Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945'' by an editorial board, His Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1953, Series D, vol.v, p.20-1.</ref>

	The issues were raised again on '''24 October 1938''' when the German Foreign Minister set down an outline four-step proposal to the Polish Ambassador, Lipski, "to eliminate all sources of friction between the two countries". The issues were discussed at least four times between the two governments before '''March 1939''', including a meeting between Hitler and Poland's Foreign Minister, Josef Beck, on '''5 January 1939''', without any progress at all. On a state visit to [[Warsaw]] ('''23-27 January 1939''') the German Foreign Minister again tabled proposals for a final all-inclusive settlement of the Polish-German boundaries.<ref>''The German White Book'', NY, 1939, p.4-5.</ref> From January through to March 1939, [[Hitler]] approached the Polish government several times with diplomatic overtures, seeking to resolve "the [[Danzig]] question" by negotiation. He outlined the proposals in a speech on '''April 28''', including allowing Poland to retain the economic concessions in Danzig it had been awarded under [[Treaty of Versailles\|Versailles]] in 1919, and also proposed joining Germany in an alliance against the [[Soviet Union]]. In return an autonomous [[Danzig]] would return to the Reich, and Germany would be permitted to erect an extra-territorial railway and autobahn across the so-called [[Polish Corridor]] to [[East Prussia]]. The Polish Government rejected this latest offer and their response was to begin partial mobilisation, from '''25 March 1939'''.		The issues were raised again on '''24 October 1938''' when the German Foreign Minister set down an outline four-step proposal to the Polish Ambassador, Lipski, "to eliminate all sources of friction between the two countries". The issues were discussed at least four times between the two governments before '''March 1939''', including a meeting between Hitler and Poland's Foreign Minister, Josef Beck, on '''5 January 1939''', without any progress at all. On a state visit to [[Warsaw]] ('''23-27 January 1939''') the German Foreign Minister again tabled proposals for a final all-inclusive settlement of the Polish-German boundaries.<ref>''The German White Book'', NY, 1939, p.4-5.</ref> From January through to March 1939, [[Hitler]] approached the Polish government several times with diplomatic overtures, seeking to resolve "the [[Danzig]] question" by negotiation. He outlined the proposals in a speech on '''April 28''', including allowing Poland to retain the economic concessions in Danzig it had been awarded under [[Treaty of Versailles\|Versailles]] in 1919, and also proposed joining Germany in an alliance against the [[Soviet Union]]. In return an autonomous [[Danzig]] would return to the Reich, and Germany would be permitted to erect an extra-territorial railway and autobahn across the so-called [[Polish Corridor]] to [[East Prussia]]. The Polish Government rejected this latest offer and their response was to begin partial mobilisation, from '''25 March 1939'''.

𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲𝗹: Text replacement - "Category:World War II" to "Category:WWAC"

2024-02-08T17:49:16Z

Text replacement - "Category:World War II" to "Category:WWAC"

← Older revision		Revision as of 08:49, 8 February 2024
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	{{reflist\|2}}		{{reflist\|2}}
	[[Category:Revanchism]]		[[Category:Revanchism]]
	[[Category:~~World War II~~]]		[[Category:WWAC]]
	[[Category:Europe]]		[[Category:Europe]]
	[[Category:History]]		[[Category:History]]

← Older revision		Revision as of 08:48, 15 February 2024
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	In '''February 1933''' Jules Larouche, French Ambassador to [[Poland]], who had worked on various sub-committees during the [[Treaty of Versailles\|Versailles]] peace deliberations, claimed that he had nothing to do with fixing the eastern border of Germany and he had foreseen that only friction and lasting enmity between Germany and Poland would result from the 'Corridor'. He regarded it as incompatible with the modern concept of State territory, said it was in the interests of Poland to reach a ''rapprochement'' with [[National Social German\|Germany]], and he understood that was not possible without eliminating the [[Polish Corridor\|Corridor]]. He had repeatedly said this at the French Foreign Office in the Quai d'Orsay in [[Paris]]. He also said that "there existed a fear bordering on psychosis" in Poland about any negotiations concerning it, adding that "all Poles who had broached this subject to him had always expressed the view in agreement with the present official position, 'hammered into the whole population by intensive propaganda', that territorial negotiations were out of the question."<ref>''Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945'' by an editorial committee, Her Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1957, Series C, vol.1, pps:73-74</ref>		In '''February 1933''' Jules Larouche, French Ambassador to [[Poland]], who had worked on various sub-committees during the [[Treaty of Versailles\|Versailles]] peace deliberations, claimed that he had nothing to do with fixing the eastern border of Germany and he had foreseen that only friction and lasting enmity between Germany and Poland would result from the 'Corridor'. He regarded it as incompatible with the modern concept of State territory, said it was in the interests of Poland to reach a ''rapprochement'' with [[National Social German\|Germany]], and he understood that was not possible without eliminating the [[Polish Corridor\|Corridor]]. He had repeatedly said this at the French Foreign Office in the Quai d'Orsay in [[Paris]]. He also said that "there existed a fear bordering on psychosis" in Poland about any negotiations concerning it, adding that "all Poles who had broached this subject to him had always expressed the view in agreement with the present official position, 'hammered into the whole population by intensive propaganda', that territorial negotiations were out of the question."<ref>''Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945'' by an editorial committee, Her Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1957, Series C, vol.1, pps:73-74</ref>

	Hans-Adolf von Moltke<ref>Moltke was born in Oppeln in [[Upper Silesia]], into one of Germany's most famous aristocratic families, and spoke fluent Polish. His father, Fredrich von Moltke, served as Prussian Minister of the Interior. Moltke was a devout Lutheran and held the standard ~~nationalist~~-conservative views that were typical of the German aristocracy in the late 19th century.</ref>, the German Ambassador to Poland, <ref>Writing in '''October 1937'''</ref>said: "in '''May 1935''' the question arose as to what attitude Poland would take toward the proposed construction of an ''Autobahn'' through the [[Polish Corridor\|Corridor]] between [[East Prussia]] and other territory of the Reich. I discussed this with Polish Foreign Minister Beck who promised me the question would be studied. Despite repeated reminders since he has never given a clear answer, a sure sign of a negative attitude on the part of his Government". In September that year Fritz Todt, General Inspector for Roads in Germany, was in Warsaw for the Polish exhibition on road construction when he spoke with the Deputy Minister in Poland's Ministry of Transportation, M.Piasecki, suggesting that experts from both sides have a conference on this subject. Nothing came of this due to "Polish negativity".<ref>''Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945'' by an editorial board, His Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1953, Series D, vol.v, p.20-1.</ref>		Hans-Adolf von Moltke<ref>Moltke was born in Oppeln in [[Upper Silesia]], into one of Germany's most famous aristocratic families, and spoke fluent Polish. His father, Fredrich von Moltke, served as Prussian Minister of the Interior. Moltke was a devout Lutheran and held the standard fascist-conservative views that were typical of the German aristocracy in the late 19th century.</ref>, the German Ambassador to Poland, <ref>Writing in '''October 1937'''</ref>said: "in '''May 1935''' the question arose as to what attitude Poland would take toward the proposed construction of an ''Autobahn'' through the [[Polish Corridor\|Corridor]] between [[East Prussia]] and other territory of the Reich. I discussed this with Polish Foreign Minister Beck who promised me the question would be studied. Despite repeated reminders since he has never given a clear answer, a sure sign of a negative attitude on the part of his Government". In September that year Fritz Todt, General Inspector for Roads in Germany, was in Warsaw for the Polish exhibition on road construction when he spoke with the Deputy Minister in Poland's Ministry of Transportation, M.Piasecki, suggesting that experts from both sides have a conference on this subject. Nothing came of this due to "Polish negativity".<ref>''Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945'' by an editorial board, His Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1953, Series D, vol.v, p.20-1.</ref>

	The issues were raised again on '''24 October 1938''' when the German Foreign Minister set down an outline four-step proposal to the Polish Ambassador, Lipski, "to eliminate all sources of friction between the two countries". The issues were discussed at least four times between the two governments before '''March 1939''', including a meeting between Hitler and Poland's Foreign Minister, Josef Beck, on '''5 January 1939''', without any progress at all. On a state visit to [[Warsaw]] ('''23-27 January 1939''') the German Foreign Minister again tabled proposals for a final all-inclusive settlement of the Polish-German boundaries.<ref>''The German White Book'', NY, 1939, p.4-5.</ref> From January through to March 1939, [[Hitler]] approached the Polish government several times with diplomatic overtures, seeking to resolve "the [[Danzig]] question" by negotiation. He outlined the proposals in a speech on '''April 28''', including allowing Poland to retain the economic concessions in Danzig it had been awarded under [[Treaty of Versailles\|Versailles]] in 1919, and also proposed joining Germany in an alliance against the [[Soviet Union]]. In return an autonomous [[Danzig]] would return to the Reich, and Germany would be permitted to erect an extra-territorial railway and autobahn across the so-called [[Polish Corridor]] to [[East Prussia]]. The Polish Government rejected this latest offer and their response was to begin partial mobilisation, from '''25 March 1939'''.		The issues were raised again on '''24 October 1938''' when the German Foreign Minister set down an outline four-step proposal to the Polish Ambassador, Lipski, "to eliminate all sources of friction between the two countries". The issues were discussed at least four times between the two governments before '''March 1939''', including a meeting between Hitler and Poland's Foreign Minister, Josef Beck, on '''5 January 1939''', without any progress at all. On a state visit to [[Warsaw]] ('''23-27 January 1939''') the German Foreign Minister again tabled proposals for a final all-inclusive settlement of the Polish-German boundaries.<ref>''The German White Book'', NY, 1939, p.4-5.</ref> From January through to March 1939, [[Hitler]] approached the Polish government several times with diplomatic overtures, seeking to resolve "the [[Danzig]] question" by negotiation. He outlined the proposals in a speech on '''April 28''', including allowing Poland to retain the economic concessions in Danzig it had been awarded under [[Treaty of Versailles\|Versailles]] in 1919, and also proposed joining Germany in an alliance against the [[Soviet Union]]. In return an autonomous [[Danzig]] would return to the Reich, and Germany would be permitted to erect an extra-territorial railway and autobahn across the so-called [[Polish Corridor]] to [[East Prussia]]. The Polish Government rejected this latest offer and their response was to begin partial mobilisation, from '''25 March 1939'''.